I’m back, and sorry for keeping you waiting so long! Today we continue our look at Timor, one of the larger islands on the eastern edge of Southeast Asia. This episode will cover the island’s history from 1661 to about 1800. As always, listen and enjoy!
https://blubrry.com/hoseasia/131966142/episode-133-the-divided-history-of-timor-part-2
(Transcript)
Episode 133: The Divided History of Timor, Part 2
Greetings dear listeners, for the 133rd time, from the hills of Bluegrass country in Kentucky! If this is your first time with us, for the past few episodes we have been touring the islands of eastern Indonesia. Most of those islands don’t get too many visitors from the outside world. The only eastern islands that do get many visitors are Bali and Sulawesi. Last time we arrived at Timor, a fairly large island on the side of Indonesia facing Australia. How large is it? Large enough to be divided between two countries. The western half of the island is part of Indonesia, while the eastern half is an independent nation, called East Timor or Timor Leste, depending on whether you prefer to use the English or the Portuguese name. Previously there was an episode all about East Timor, Episode #117, where we looked at what has been happening there in the 21st century. Then with Episode #131, we returned to Timor and looked at both sides of the island, to learn what the island has to offer, if you go there as a tourist. Well, we used up all our time seeing the sights in that episode, so now we’re back to get a more detailed history of the island than we had before. We began that history with Episode #132, and got as far as the mid-seventeenth century before we ran out of time again. Of course, if you haven’t listened to Episodes #131 and #132 yet, you will find this episode confusing. Therefore I recommend you go to wherever your favorite podcasts are served, and listen to those episodes first. Don’t worry; it shouldn’t cost anything to stream or download them. Those of you who have already listened to them, come with me!
<Interlude>
Last time, we looked quickly at the human migrations to Timor before recorded history began. The most important thing to remember from this era is Timor’s relative isolation, compared with the big islands of western Indonesia. When merchants and missionaries came in from the outside world, they did not go to Timor, because that island was too far off the path to their destinations, especially if they were taking part in the trade between India and China. As a result, when Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam were introduced to Southeast Asia, they missed Timor completely. That is why elements of the original native religion have survived to this day, and why the main religion of present-day Timor is Christianity, while in most of Indonesia the main religion is Islam; the missionaries who eventually came to Timor were from Europe, not Asia.
Speaking of Europeans, we next saw three European nations send ships to Timor: the Portuguese and the Spaniards arrived in the sixteenth century, and the Dutch arrived soon after the seventeenth century began. Spanish involvement did not last for long. What I did not tell you last time was how Spain was persuaded to leave Indonesia for Portugal. Spain was interested in Timor because it was near the Moluccas, the fabled “Spice Islands,” a place which the Portuguese found first, but all Europeans wanted access to the spices that came from those islands.- Meanwhile, Spain had discovered the Philippines, and the Philippine islands turned out to be a good advance base for activities in the Far East, like trading with China, but if Spain wanted to be active in the Spice Islands, a base on Timor would be better. Thus, Spain put out a claim to the Moluccas, and fought with Portugal over their competing claims in Southeast Asia until 1529, when they signed the Treaty of Saragossa. According to the treaty, Spain would accept a cash payout — 350,000 ducats — to forget its claim to any part of present-day Indonesia.
Podcast footnote: For those not familiar with Renaissance currency, the ducat was the monetary unit of the city of Venice, a coin that was as widely accepted, from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century, as the US dollar is in today’s world economy. It contained 3.56 grams of gold, making a ducat worth $233.61 in US money at the time of this recording, and that gold amount was never debased. Therefore the money Spain received from Portugal in the treaty would be worth $81,763,500.00 today. End footnote.
Back to the recap. The Dutch were harder to drive off than the Spaniards, because the Netherlands had a more efficient economy, and they were determined to take the outposts in the Spanish and Portuguese trade networks for themselves. They succeeded in taking over the spice trade, and captured Portuguese outposts like Malacca on the Malay peninsula, and Elmina in West Africa. However, on Timor the Portuguese had the advantage, because there were now quite a few people of mixed ancestry on that island, with European (mostly Portuguese) fathers and native mothers. We call these people Topasses, a name which comes from the Hindustani word topi, meaning hat. They were in the habit of wearing European-style hats whenever they appeared in public, so the Portuguese called them gente dos chapeo, meaning “hat people.” Anyway, in the conflict between Europeans, the Topasses took the Portuguese side, becoming a force of armed men on the spot. After a few rounds of fighting, Portugal and the Netherlands agreed to a treaty in 1661, that gave most of the island to the Portuguese, while leaving the port of Kupang on the western end of Timor to the Dutch. Now keep in mind that with the state of transportation and communication in the seventeeth century, neither side directly ruled part of the island, except for the Dutch fort near Kupang, and the Portuguese outpost at Lifau; Timor’s kingdoms were city-states that remained under the control of native rulers.
If you are thinking that this wasn’t the last word on who ruled Timor, you’re right. On that note, let’s resume the historical narrative.
<Interlude>
After the initial fighting between the Portuguese and the Dutch ended in 1661, what the Portuguese had left in the Far East has been described as an “informal” or “shadow” empire, that included the Chinese port of Macao and a fuzzy zone in the easternmost part of Indonesia. It had to be informal because of logistics; with the mother country almost halfway around the world, transportation and communication from there could take more than a year, and Portugal only had a few people to send this far from Lisbon. Of all the territories Portugal claimed, islands like Timor, Flores and Solor were physically and psychologically on the very edge of the Portuguese state; they were not even listed as part of the Portuguese empire until 1681. And in the area, there were multiple administrations and law codes; the Dominican missionaries, for instance, governed themselves. The person who was theoretically “in charge” was a military officer, with the rank of capitâo-mor or captain-major. The captain-major was not appointed by somebody in Lisbon, but by whoever in the area had the most influence. In the mid-seventeenth century that person was the richest merchant involved in Timor’s sandalwood trade, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo (I hope I’m pronouncing that correctly). The first four captains-major that we know of were white Portuguese, of course, but after the death of the fourth one, Simão Luis, in 1666, Vieira felt compelled to give the title to a Topasse, Antonio de Hornay, because he led the pro-Portuguese army on Timor, in the battles of the 1650s.
Meanwhile on the Dutch side, the Dutch succeeded in taking Maubara, a village on the northeast coast of Timor, in 1667. In the neighborhood of Kupang, the Dutch East India Company signed treaties with the five nearest kingdoms to Kupang, and this allowed them to conquer the Portuguese fortress in Kupang Bay in 1688.
For the rest of the seventeenth century, the Topasses were the most powerful faction on Timor. I believe I mentioned in the previous episode that two families among the Topasses, the de Hornay and the da Costa families, were rivals. Well, now on Timor, the rivalry between these families became more important than the rivalry between European nations. To start with, the da Costas, led by Mateus da Costa, did not recognize the authority of Antonio de Hornay while he was captain-major. He held the title three times between 1666 and 1693. This also made him the most powerful man in the Lesser Sunda islands; my sources describe him as, quote, “virtually the uncrowned king of Timor.” Unquote. The only place on Timor that did not recognize de Hornay’s authority was — you guessed it — Kupang and its Dutch fort. Using the power he gained, de Hornay drove the da Costas out of Timor and away from Larantuka, on the nearby island of Flores. Then in 1695 he died, and the da Costas returned. It was at this point that Portugal tried to strengthen its control over Timor by appointing the next captain-major, but the man they sent in 1697, André Coelho Vieira, was driven out after just a few months, in an uprising that was almost certainly led by Domingo da Costa, the son of Mateus, because after that he held the job of captain-major, from 1697 to 1702. And then until 1722, Domingo da Costa was considered the king of Timor; depending on the circumstances, he would either act as an ally of the Portuguese, or oppose their activities in the Lesser Sundas.
In a previous episode I mentioned William Dampier, an English pirate who also happened to be a scientist; he explored the world beyond Europe and plundered it at the same time. In 1699 he made a stop at Timor, and wrote that the natives acknowledge the King of Portugal as their sovereign and that they allowed the Portuguese colony to build a fort, which they call Lifau, while the Dutch have their own fort at Kupang. However, the natives would not allow either European nation to intervene in their local governments. Dampier also commented that the natives living in Lifau spoke Portuguese and were Catholic; they prided themselves on their Portuguese and Catholic heritage, and would have been very angry if anyone dared to tell them they were not Portuguese. Nevertheless, during his whole time there, Dampier only saw three white people, of which two were priests.
*****
In 1702, the Viceroy of Goa, Portugal’s Indian outpost, sent an official to Timor who was more important than a captain-major. This was the island’s first governor, António Coelho Guerreiro. He introduced two reforms that would have a lasting effect in Portuguese-Timorese relations. The first was the granting of military ranks, such as “colonel,” to local chiefs. This encouraged more trust between the Portuguese and the chiefs who held those ranks. However, the other reform did not get a positive response, because the Portuguese now levied a system of tribute, called the finta, where the client states had to pay a certain amount of trade goods to the governor. A tax by any other name will be just as unpopular, and the natives, led by the Topasses, resisted its collection. In 1705, after he had been in charge for three years, Guerreiro was forced to flee to Batavia, the Dutch East India Company’s headquarters on Java, but the repeated attacks did not stop Portugal from sending new governors.
The Topasses were strongest on a part of Timor’s northwest coast. The name of this district is spelled O-E-C-U-S-S-E; I am not sure if it is pronounced O-ay-cusse, or Oo-cusse; my sources disagree on that. If you look at a map of Timor, it is an enclave belonging to East Timor, but separate from the rest of that nation, and surrounded by Indonesian West Timor on all sides but the sea. It is important to this episode because Lifau, the Portuguese base, is also located here. In 1707 Portugal sent two warships carrying troops from Macao to bring the Topasses to heel, but the Topasses, led by Domingo da Costa, defeated the militia and forced it to retreat to Lifau. This forced the white Portuguese to make a major concession; in 1708 they brought in Domingo da Costa as the colony’s second in command, making him lieutenant general or vice governor at Lifau.
—–
However, this did not end tensions between the Topasses and the Portuguese, who still tried to tighten their grip on Timor. In response to this, fifteen kingdoms united under another Topasse leader, Francisco de Hornay, and he started the next major uprising in 1726. The rest of the kingdoms stayed on the governor’s side. The resulting conflict, now called the battle of Cailaco, lasted for six weeks, from October 23 to December 8, 1726, and involved an estimated 5,500 men on each side. We have a report of villages being destroyed by the violence, and it only ended because the wet season started in December; there was no real winner. Afterwards the Portuguese did what they could to prevent another uprising. One of those actions was the opening of a Catholic seminary, by Portuguese Dominican monks; the Topasses welcomed this. By 1733, more than 40 kingdoms agreed to pay the finta, and recognised the authority of the Portuguese crown.
Now the Topasses turned their attention to the Dutch, launching attacks near Kupang in 1735 and 1745. Then in 1749, the current captain-major, Gaspar da Costa, tried to drive the Dutch off the island completely. On the plain of Penfui, he assembled a huge force. Some of my sources estimate the size of this force at 40,000 to 50,000 warriors, but I think 2,800 is a more accurate figure; what we know for sure is that the Topasses had superior numbers. Against this, the Dutch East India Company only had 23 European soldiers, plus a few hundred former slaves and warriors from around Kupang and neighbouring islands. Despite the imbalance, the Dutch won the battle. At least 2,000 Topasses and their allies were killed in the fighting. Among the dead was Gaspar da Costa. Equally important for the Timorese, the Dutch captured ten Topasse banners and drums, which were seen as the source of their power. When the Portuguese governor at Lifau, Manuel Correia de Lacerda, was told of the outcome of the battle, all he had to say was that da Costa deserved his fate. The governor had tried in person and with letters to dissuade da Costa from such a mad enterprise, but da Costa did not even bother to reply. As a result of the defeat, the rule of the Portuguese and Topasses in the western half of Timor collapsed, with many local rulers professing to the Dutch that they had been forced to join the Topasses. Incidentally, today Kupang’s airport is located on the site of the battle of Penfui.
*****
The victory at Penfui encouraged the Dutch East India Company to pursue a more assertive policy in the 1750s. Not only did they launch military expeditions, they also negotiated new agreements with native rulers across the Lesser Sunda islands. The military expeditions were led by the current Dutch commander at Kupang, a German named Hans Albrecht von Plüskow (I hope I’m saying that name correctly), while the diplomat carrying out the negotiations was John Andrew Paravicini. The result of this two-pronged move was the 1756 Treaty of Paravicini, under which 48 Lesser Kings on the islands of Solor, Roti, Sawu, Sumba and West Timor made alliances with the Company. Fifteen of those kingdoms were on the southwest side of Timor, so this marks the beginning of Dutch rule in what is now Indonesian West Timor. One of the kings who signed was the ruler of Wehale — you may remember from the last episode that Wehale was the dominant kingdom on Timor when the Europeans first arrived — and he still claimed that 27 territories were dependent under him. Fortunately for the Portuguese, Wehale was no longer powerful enough to pull the minor rulers of those territories over to the side of the Dutch, so the eastern former vassals of Wehale remained under the flag of Portugal, while Wehale itself fell under Dutch rule.
On another expedition, in 1759, the Dutch commander von Plüskow destroyed a Topasse stronghold in Animata, and then attacked their fort in Noemuti, where he took 400 prisoners and captured 14 cannon. This success persuaded seven more western chiefs, formerly Topasse allies, to sign a treaty with the Dutch. Next, von Plüskow proposed a comprehensive treaty between the Dutch, the Portuguese and the Topasses, that would settle the political situation on Timor once and for all. It did not come to pass because he was assassinated in 1761, by Francisco da Costa and António de Hornay, the leaders of the two former rival Topasse families; they had teamed up to get rid of an enemy who was a threat to both of them. After that, the Dutch scaled down their interference in internal Timorese affairs. Their next military campaign on the island took Atapupu, a town in the middle of the northern coast, in 1818.
Podcast footnote: Eventually some people with mixed European-Asian ancestry also appeared in the Dutch-controlled part of Timor. This isn’t a surprise. One of the lessons I have learned from history is that mankind is quite a frisky creature; from the stone age to the present, wherever large groups of people have migrated, they eventually had sex with the people they met in the new place. The presence of a few Neanderthal genes in modern man suggests that even people as radically different as Neanderthals could be bedtime partners for our ancestors. A few years back, my brother took a DNA test and claimed that some genes from Neanderthal Man and even Denisova Man turned up. If he is right, then I have genes from those cavemen, too! Anyway, the Dutch gave the name Mardijkers to these part-Dutch, part-Indonesian folks, but unlike the Topasses, most of them did not adopt the Christian faith, and they were never as strong as the Topasses. They were seen as an arrogant group that sought to expand their influence across the island. End footnote.
*****
Meanwhile, the Topasses continued their attacks on the Portuguese settlement at Lifau, and they managed to kill the governor, Dionísio Gonçalves Rebelo Galvão, in 1766. They were such a threat to the Portuguese that the next governor, António Teles de Menezes, decided to abandon Lifau. On August 11, 1769, the Portuguese administration and the population loyal to them, about 1,200 people in all, departed in boats and sailed 100 miles east. They settled in the town of Dili, and Dili would be the Portuguese capital for the rest of their time on Timor. That’s why Dili is the capital of East Timor today. Back in Lifau, the Topasses moved in, and one of them, Francisco de Hornay, offered the place to the Dutch, but after careful consideration they decided not to take it.
Before we move on, I will give a few words on the practice of slavery in Indonesia during this period. The Dutch, like the Portuguese, suffered from serious manpower shortages in this part of the world, especially after malaria epidemics struck Batavia and Kupang in the early eighteenth century. Therefore when the Dutch East India Company sent soldiers on military campaigns, they looked for slaves to use in tasks like plantation work in the Moluccas. Traditionally on Timor, slaves were mainly prisoners of war or people convicted of crimes like witchcraft. Compared with slaves in other times and places, Timorese slaves were relatively well treated. They were considered members of the family which owned them, they could buy their freedom, and if emancipated, could even be promoted into the nobility. Moreover, their master could not send them away from the island. After the Dutch conquered Roti, a western island, in 1681, they built schools there and brought slaves from Roti to Timor. Those slaves became a well-educated elite in the local population, and their descendents can still be identified on West Timor today.
However, as European control over Indonesia increased, slavery became harsher. In the eighteenth century, laws were changed so that masters could ship their slaves off the island; typically a few hundred slaves would be shipped to Batavia and Macao each year. Some of these unfortunate slaves would be sold to Chinese and Arab buyers. In 1752, the Bishop of Malacca declared the Dutch slave trade a crime, and that Catholics who take part in it would be excommunicated. The Dutch also forced the Timorese kingdoms to give them troops and 200 men annually, to pan for gold in the mountains. Neither the military expeditions nor the gold prospecting brought success. Instead, discontent among the Timorese grew, because of dangerous accidents during the search for gold. A Dutchman reported in 1777, when five gold mines had collapsed, that relatives of the victims could take revenge on the rulers who had sent them looking for gold.
As in other places, slavery was ended gradually, in stages, starting with an end to the slave trade in the early nineteenth century. Officially slavery was banned in the Dutch East Indies in 1860, but this could only be enforced in areas the Dutch directly controlled. Elsewhere slavery continued into the early twentieth century. Samosir, an island in Lake Toba on Sumatra, is the last place we know of in Indonesia where slavery was practiced; there it was abolished in 1914. In the Portuguese-controlled part of Timor, slavery was also practiced, but we only have reliable records of Portuguese slavery starting in 1858, when they abolished it.
In 1790, the Dutch put down a rebellion in the towns of Sonba’i and Maubara, but their part of Timor remained troubled into the 19th century, and the Dutch failed to bring the interior of the island back under their control. In 1799, the Dutch East India Company went bankrupt and the Dutch government took over everything the Company had. That is a good place to end our historical narrative for this episode.
Finally, I should mention that at some point in the eighteenth century, Europeans intoduced two new crops to Indonesia, coffee and corn (if you’re not American, the corn is what you call maize). Both were introduced to Timor as well. Coffee is a cash crop, of course, and it became a new source of income for those who grew it, while corn made food production possible in places not suitable for growing rice.
Mutiny on the Bounty
Kupang was important to the outside world once in history, when the crew of a famous ship, the Bounty, was marooned in a lifeboat by the Bounty’s mutineers, and they survived by going to Kupang. The story of the Bounty has captured the world’s imagination more than once in the centuries since then. Poems, books, and movies have been composed about the Bounty incident, so there’s a good chance you already know the story. My favorite version of the story is the 1984 movie, “The Bounty,” starring Anthony Hopkins as William Bligh and Mel Gibson as Fletcher Christian. It has gotten high marks for historical accuracy, and excellent photography. If you know the story and want to leave the episode here, I won’t object. The rest of you, listen on . . .
In 1787 the British Royal Navy bought a collier, a ship used for hauling coal, named the Bethia; they refitted her for long voyages, and re-christened her the Bounty. They did it because Sir Joseph Banks, the scientist who went on the expeditions of Captain James Cook, had an idea: if a ship picked up young breadfruit trees from Tahiti, a recently discovered island, and brought them to the Caribbean, breadfruit could be grown as a cheap food for slaves. Banks also suggested that Lieutenant William Bligh, a navigator from the third Cook expedition, be put in command of the Bounty.
A luxury cruise this wasn’t. The crew lived under cramped conditions; Bligh gave up the captain’s quarters to provide a room for the potted breadfruit plants on the return trip. In real life Bligh wasn’t the slave-driver portrayed in the movies (a court-martial cleared him of all charges, after he got back to England), but the crew hated him anyway for his harsh punishments and foul language. Their attempt to sail around Cape Horn, an area notorious for its frightful weather, was especially hard on everyone. After fighting storms and winds blowing in the opposite direction for a full month, Bligh turned the ship around and sailed east instead of west; this meant a longer than expected voyage, across both the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Finally, ten months after leaving England, the Bounty reached Tahiti, in October 1788.
They ended up spending five months on Tahiti, because it took that long to grow the breadfruit plants large enough to give them a fighting chance of surviving a long trip on the Bounty. Meanwhile, the crew discovered Tahiti’s famous girls, so they spent a lot of their time ashore, and few slept alone. Some men got native-style tattoos, and the first mate, Fletcher Christian, married a Tahitian woman, Maimiti. Ominously, tensions grew between Bligh and the men during this time; Fletcher Christian was a frequent target of Bligh’s hot temper and verbal abuse.
Naturally the men were reluctant to leave, after five months in paradise. Instead of trying to go around Cape Horn again, Bligh wanted to explore an uncharted part of Australia’s northern coast on the way home. However, the men thought this was a dangerous course as well; in fact, it was the last straw. Twenty-three days and 1,300 miles west of Tahiti, while the Bounty was in Tongan waters, Fletcher Christian led a mutiny. It was a bloodless affair; eighteen of the ship’s forty-two-man crew joined him, and among the rest, only Bligh resisted. The mutineers put Bligh and eighteen crewmen who remained loyal into the ship’s launch, and set them adrift on the open sea. Then the mutineers took the Bounty back to Tahiti, along with six non-mutineers they did not have room for in the launch.
Bligh’s job was simple, but it was not easy. He had to get back to civilization, and the nearest European settlements were on Timor. By traveling halfway across the Pacific in the launch, covering 4,162 miles in forty-seven days, with only a sextant and a pocket watch for navigation tools, he became a hero and showed his sailing skills at the same time. On Tofua, an island in the Tonga group, they tried to collect provisions, and the natives stoned a crewman to death; that was the only casualty they suffered. Next they were chased by cannibals on Fiji, and after passing through the Torres Strait, between New Guinea and Australia, they reached Kupang. From there Bligh hitched rides on several Dutch ships until he got back to England in early 1790, and reported the mutiny.
Back on Tahiti, sixteen of the men from the Bounty chose to stay there, though they knew that the Royal Navy would come looking for them, and Tahiti would be the first place they would search. Christian, however, decided they would be safer if no outsiders knew what island they were on, so he took the Bounty away from there with eight mutineers, six Tahitian men, twelve Tahitian women, and one baby. After wandering around the Pacific for nearly four months, they discovered Pitcairn Island and settled down there, burning the ship so that no one would find them too quickly.
Christian was probably the luckiest of the former mutineers, for only those with him on Pitcairn ever saw him again. By 1800, the only man left in the group was a mutineer named John Adams, and he ruled over nine Tahitian women and dozens of children. They were discovered by an American merchant ship, the Topaz, in 1808; the crew of the Topaz was definitely surprised to find an island of Polynesians who spoke English and practiced Christianity. Today Pitcairn is a British territory with a population of 56, according to a census taken in 2013, divided between four families descended from the mutineers and their Tahitian companions.
As for the breadfruit trees, Sir Joseph Banks still wanted some, so a second ship, the HMS Providence, was sent to get them in 1791. Now promoted to the rank of captain, Bligh commanded the second expedition. This time he brought nineteen marines to make sure there wasn’t a second mutiny, and almost everything went as planned. At Tahiti they collected 2,126 breadfruit plants, twice as many as they had loaded on the Bounty, with plenty of other botanical specimens to please Banks. This ship returned by way of the Torres Strait, and delivered the breadfruit to Britain’s Caribbean colonies. However, the project was not a total success, for the slaves on Jamaica refused to eat the breadfruit. The trees thrived in the Caribbean climate, though, and Jamaicans eventually developed a taste for breadfruit; it is part of their cuisine today.
<Interlude>
We have come to the end of the line for this episode. Remember when I said that we might need a trilogy of episodes to cover everything worth saying about Timor? Well, after one sightseeing episode and two history episodes, we’re still more than two centuries from the present, so we’re going to need at least one more episode to finish the historical narrative. Join me next time as we look over what happened here in the nineteenth, and maybe also the twentieth century. I look forward to having you here again!
<applause>
These days, you have to admit that podcasts have become mainstream. Some of my favorite podcasters are going on tours, where you can go to see them in live performances. Joe Rogan, probably the most popular podcaster of all, can make news just by saying something. When I tell people about this show, it seems I no longer have to begin by telling them what a podcast is. And these days, most podcasts are accompanied by commercials. Not this one; if you hear an ad while listening to me, I didn’t do it, and I make no money from it. As always, this podcast has lasted for nearly eight years, in part, because of donations from kind listeners like you. But lately, the podcast and I have gone through a financial dry spell. While the donors on Patreon have been hanging in there (and I am thankful for that), since the year began, there has not been a single one-time donation. If you have felt like making a one-time donation, there has never been a better time to do it than now. One-time donations are made through Paypal. You can do it by following the link on the Blubrry.com page that hosts this episode; occasionally I post links on the podcast’s Facebook page as well. And yes, I know that some of you live in places where you can’t use Paypal, so one of these days I will have to set up accounts on Venmo and Zelle to accept donations that way; hopefully I can do that this season. Or if you’d like to join Patreon and support me with a small amount each month, there are Patreon links in the same places that have the Paypal links, on Blubbry and Facebook. Finally, you can still help for free by spreading the word about this show to others; word of mouth advertising is still the best kind. As always, thank you for listening, and come back when the monsoon winds are blowing right!
<Outro>